|The Psychology and Neurobiology of Violence|
In the past two decades over a hundred careful studies have shown that violence is the result of insecure/disorganized early attachments. Furthermore, in recent years major advances in neurobiological techniques have revealed how these early disordered attachments are embedded in the brain and are reenacted in later life in personal and social violence.
This book is based upon the premise that the evolution of amounts of interpersonal violence, terrorism and war is dependent upon the evolution of historical personality types, which I call “psychoclasses.” This evolution, in turn, depends upon the historical evolution of childrearing modes, as shown in the charts below. The evidence for the evolution of childrearing has been the subject of seven books and over eighty scholarly articles by myself published during the past four decades, backed up by the findings of over fifty psychohistorical colleagues which I have published in my scholarly journals, The Journal of Psychohistory and The Journal of Psychoanalytic Anthropology.1
The evolution of childrearing is an uneven historical process, both within societies and in different areas of the world, so each nation today has all six personality modes—which I term “psychoclasses”—within it, forming its various levels of political behavior from reactionary to progressive. Nevertheless, the evolution of childrearing modes and historical personalities—which I term “psychogenesis”—has improved personalities over the centuries in almost all areas of the
Fig. 3-1 The Evolution of Childrearing Modes
globe, reducing the violence produced by abusive and abandoning parenting. This historical evolution of childrearing is reflected in the opening sentence of my 1974 book, The History of Childhood:
Since I will be showing in this book that childrearing is the origin of both personal violence and war, this improvement over the centuries in childhood in the most advanced societies should show a steady decrease in personal and group violence. The chart on page 40 demonstrates this decline in human violence, based upon actual rates of the various forms of violence as shown in the historical record. It reflects a steady decline of those dying from infanticide (infanticide is not usually counted as murder), homicide, suicide, war and democide (state killing of its own population) from about 75 percent in tribal groups to under 2 percent dying of violence in developed democratic societies today.3
As we will see in forthcoming chapters, the rate of childrearing evolution for most of history crucially depends upon the amount of love and support give to mothers, who have been the primary caretakers of children in their early years. Psychogenesis depends upon parents not reinflicting the damage done to them by their own families. It usually goes unrecorded in the historical record, occurring as mothers decide not to use her child erotically, not to tie it up so long in tight swaddling bands, not to turn her back or call the child “demanding” as the child tries to
relate to her. A mother who was badly abused herself as a child, sexually, physically, emotionally, can hardly be expected to be able to give love and empathy to her own child—she is severely “post-partum depressed,” as most mothers were in history and as a third or more of mothers still
Fig. 3-3 The Decline of Human Violence
are today in more advanced nations (up to 80% have “baby blues.”)4 Mothers are human, after all, and since most females in history have been routinely tied up, genitally mutilated, beaten, raped and subjected to daily abuse (as for instance most Muslim women today still are),5 one can hardly be surprised that as mothers they are not able to be loving caretakers of their children. As we will see in later chapters, it is after historical periods when girls and women are given new rights and opportunities to grow that they improve childrearing and that when the next generation becomes adult it introduces new political freedoms and economic opportunities, changing society for the better as they become more independent of old ways.
THE FORMATION OF THE MIND AND BRAIN THROUGH ATTACHMENTS
In the first two months, the infant who is properly cared for experiences what Stern calls an “emergent sense of self,” during which the “looking into the eyes that are looking back into his is a central event around which everything turns…The baby’s brain is literally tuned by the caregiver’s brain to produce the correct neurotransmitters and hormones…The infant discovers that he or she has a mind and that other people have minds as well.”13 Experiments showing how depressed or angry mothers regularly produce insecurely attached infants who grow up to be violent adults—the so-called “Ainsworth studies” of emotional neglect in childhood—now run into the hundreds worldwide.14 Severe maternal neglect can be seen in most mothers who are post-partum depressed or who drink alcohol daily or smoke a lot or are maritally dissatisfied or who are lone caretakers (only one in six children see their father once or more a week in America, and the majority of American children today live their lives in homes without fathers).15 Insecure/disorganized attachments are “attempts by the child to resolve the paradox presented by a frightened/frightening attachment figure by assuming the role of the caregiver…[When the caregiver’s actions are designed] to humiliate him or her into submission…the child seems motivated to protect the parent by being excessively cheery, polite, or helpful.”16 It is this reaction to authoritarian/abandoning parenting which has been the rule during most of history that gets repeated so often in political behavior, where insecurely-parented nations cling to Punitive Parent Leaders in response to their demands for submission.
The infanticide, tying up, starving, battering, torture and rape of children that has been routine in history will be examined in more detail in later chapters of this book. Even today, however, most children in most nations are badly abused and neglected in their early years. This is denied by most people. A recent survey of British doctors, for instance, said they believed the child sexual abuse rate was “probably less than one percent,” while careful studies of U.K. childhood sexual assault showed two-thirds of girls and one-third of boys had been used sexually.17 The figures for the U.S. are about the same. Physical abuse is even more prevalent; two-thirds of British mothers said they routinely hit their infants in their first year of life, and in the next two years 97% said they hit their children “at least once a week…most a good deal more often,” using straps, belts, canes and sticks on the boys.18 Figures for less advanced societies are even higher, where, for instance, many Islamic societies still raping the majority of both girls and boys, and “infanticide, abandonment of babies, to beating, shaking, burning, cutting, poisoning” are found to be common.19 Since Islamic females traditionally have had their genitals painfully cut off as young girls,20 it is hard to be surprised that they grow up to be less than effective mothers.
Most mothers in history and a majority of mothers even today experience post-partum depression, which badly affects their ability to take care of and show love and empathy for their babies. It is bad enough that child care is itself so demanding: A study of 900 American mothers found that they most enjoyed “socializing, praying, eating, exercising, watching TV and cooking” more than “taking care of my children.”21 Even more crucial are the studies that show that 80 percent of mothers experience either (1) mild “baby blues” for months after birth, (2) postpartum depression for up to several years, or (3) puerperal psychosis: “They feel low, anxious, tearful, and irritable. They have rapid mood swings…feel hopeless…experience panic attacks…feel worthless, inadequate…have suicidal thoughts and thoughts of harming or killing their children.”22 They regularly think: “I had Holly in a carriage, going onto the escalator, and I remember thinking, ‘if I let go of this carriage, she’ll probably be dead at the end’ or ‘I could drop Jamie right in the lake and he’d be drowned.’”23 They confess they are “afraid to be alone with my baby.” Depressed mothers are “about 40 percent of the time unresponsive or disengaged, whilst much of the rest of the time they are angry, intrusive and rough with their babies.”24 Some psychiatrists call postpartum mood disorders “the biggest complication of birth today. Yet despite the epidemic proportions of such illnesses, they fail to receive the attention they deserve.”25 It is understandable that careful studies have found that “those children whose mothers had been depressed in the months after childbirth were more violent than other children.”26 And, since mothers are the main caretakers in the family, it is not surprising that mothers or mother substitutes are still today responsible for more of the cases of violent physical abuse of children than fathers or father substitutes.27
Although depression is recognized as usually caused by an overexcited amygdalan fear network and a reduction of the calming hormone serotonin, postpartum depression is not in fact caused by maternal hormone changes after birth.28 Abusive mothers are either depressed or angry, and the cortisol levels of both depressed and angry mothers are elevated both in the mother and in her child.29 There are two sources of depression, child abuse and neglect by parents: (1) the kind of parenting the parents themselves received in their own childhood, and (2) the lack of assistance they receive as parents from their families and societies in caring for the child.
The parents of the caretaker are still present as “ghosts in the nursery” when the child is born, in the form of dissociated persecutory alters (alternative personalities)—internal objects and voices that repeat the traumas and fears the caretaker experienced as a child, since “The hurtful parent was once a hurt child.”30 Parents often believe that when their babies cry they “sound just like my mother, complaining all the time” or “just like my father, a real tyrant!” They themselves repeat exactly the same words and feelings their own mothers always yelled at them: “You’re so selfish! You never think of me!”31 The mother experiences herself as the good, persecuted mother while the baby is seen as a primarily bad, utterly persecuting and justifiable object of hatred.32 The helpless, vulnerable child experiences this reenactment of maternal fear and hatred as ending in abandonment or death. As Joseph Rheingold says, “Most mothers do not murder or totally reject their children, but death pervades the relationship between mother and child.”33 These death fears become the basis for all later violence, both personal and social. Fay Weldon puts it succinctly: “Once you have children, you realize how wars start.”34
The second source of post-partum fear, anger and depression in the mother is the lack of assistance they get in caring for their children. When the mother must work and gets no help in caring for her children, when the father is violent toward her or demands constant attention, when there are deaths or severe illnesses in the family, when economic or military disruptions or dozens of other sources of maternal stress that are the norm in families throughout history occur, caretakers simply cannot offer the time and energy and love that are required to form secure attachments to their infants, so they grow up to be insecure, disorganized children who are irrational, out of control and violent later on.35 In European nations today like Austria where the government provides mothers three years of paid leave for each child plus other daycare help, mothers are far more able to be effective caretakers, and rates of youth homicide and suicide and drug abuse have declined dramatically.36
Dorothy Bloch is one of the first psychiatrists actually treating young children, and she was startled to find that her little patients constantly feared that she “or their parents—might kill them. That the fear of infanticide might be their central preoccupation? Absurd. As one child after another admitted me to his world of fantasy, however, I witnessed a terror of being killed that varied only in its intensity.”43 As she discovered that the world of little children “abounded in beasts of terrifying mien, in cruel witches and monsters who pursued their victims with unrelenting savagery,” she became convinced that “the identities behind these imaginary, terrifying figures are the child’s own parents… [Although] children’s fantasies appeared to concentrate on the fear of being killed, the displacement of terror onto monsters was obviously designed to preserve an idealized image of their parents.”44 And when the displacement onto monsters is investigated further, she found they picked up the mother doll and “stated with deep feeling, ‘She wants her child to die!’”45 And, of course, she regularly found the mother was violent toward the child or constantly said things like “I wish I never had you” or even that the parents were violent toward each other, with “the intensity of their fear depending upon…the degree of violence they have experienced.”46 Even maternal depression alone convinced the child that they were worthless; indeed, maternal withdrawal regularly produces more insecure attachments than maternal domination and anger.47 Bloch constantly found that her patient “idealized his parents [and] convinced himself that his parents wanted to and were capable of loving him, but that it was his worthlessness that made them hate and even want to destroy him. The investment in this distortion seemed universal.”48 After the child is convinced he is bad and deserving to be destroyed, every incident in his life becomes proof of his responsibility for unhappy events: “Is there a death in the family?—he’s a murderer. An accident?—he’s the secret perpetrator…His ‘badness’ causes his mother to leave him for a job…and drives his father to absent himself on business trips…he is the subject of every quarrel and the author of every disaster [even of] divorce.” And when boys regularly draw and play soldiers and warfare, they reveal their “concern with murder and annihilation” as their “response to their fear of infanticide.”49
Other psychoanalysts have picked up the themes of Rheingold and Bloch and shown by careful statistical studies that “securely attached individuals report less fear of death than insecurely attached individuals” and that the expectation of death as punishment for being “bad” is caused by insecure or disorganized attachments.50 Stern, Anthony and others have confirmed that “dreams are full of death symbolism” beginning at eight months of age when babies begin to experience pavor nocturnes attacks and nightmares when “sleep is interrupted by intense terror personified by an attacking monster.”51 Various Jungians have written on the child’s fears of the Terrible Mother or devouring Dragon Mother.52 Dozier’s book, entitled Fear Itself: The Origin and Nature of the Powerful Emotion That Shapes Our Lives and Our World, concludes: “From ages four to six, the fear of death and imaginary threats come to dominate the child’s mind [including] fears of monsters, ghosts, murderers, tigers, lions, or other predatory animals.”53 Rorschach and Thematic Apperception tests found that “children consistently identified death itself with punishment and violence.”54 Kahr found his patients in a British psychiatric hospital all told him their parents wanted to kill them and that furthermore he “soon discovered that many of my patients had experienced profound death threats and attempts on their lives in childhood and adolescence. The bodies of these patients remained alive, but the souls had suffered untold destruction.”55 And Masterson found children of borderline mothers felt that “the only way they could please their own mothers was to kill themselves” and that their mothers actually often told them “I’d be better off without you” and “I could kill you.”56
Least it be objected that most of these studies are from clinical populations, further studies must be cited to show that even in an advanced population, an upper middle class New York City area, most of the preschool children are full of fears of being killed by their parents. One study was conducted for several years by Stephen Joseph, and shows convincingly that “Young children are afraid most of the time, so afraid that they find it difficult to learn, to think, and to grow.”57 Joseph simply sat on a chair on one side of a nursery school, and told the children he was just there to talk to them, not supervise them. He found that although they generally tried to hide their real feelings, they were hourly “preoccupied with death and death games.”58 Monsters, ghosts and witches were constantly out to kill them, and when they weren’t actually fighting between themselves, “they played war games or cops and robbers…Most were battles between the good guys and the bad guys [with] constant ordering of alliances and coalitions…they seemed more like governments in world politics than children in nursery school.”59 They constantly looked for the answer to the question: “Will you ‘dead’ me, or kill me, if I act bad enough?”
When Joseph spoke privately to each of the children, they told him of their obsession with their fears: “When I tell people, ‘Some day I’m going to be dead,’ they say, ‘Now look, kid, stop making jokes. I know you won’t die.’ You see? I can’t tell anyone what I think about dying, because no one will listen to me!”60 Talking about death with parents or teachers was taboo. They revealed that they dreamed about being killed “hundreds of times.”61 They concluded that even thinking about death would make them crazy, or even make them dead. No one wants a “morbid, disturbed child.” So when Joseph told them “If you are thinking about death, I can try to answer some of your questions.” They responded, softly: “I think about it a lot.”
He found that whether the incidents children react to in their daily life with death fears consist of being hit at home or watching endless deaths on TV, they told him it raised the question, “If they punish me for something small, will they kill me for something big?”62 They were “obsessed with death as a punishment for not conforming, for daring to think, for asking questions, and for not obeying the authorities.” The children asked Joseph: “Why do grownups make up stories to scare kids, if they aren’t real?” They ganged up, teased, tormented and fought other children in games they called “The Monsters Kill the Children.” They told of nightmares of being killed that they had similar to the games that they played. God played a major role as Killer Monster, and those that went to church told him the wafer “tasted like a real body” when they ate it.63 Their parents and their society convinced them that death was not only real, it was imminent, and it was because they were bad.
FUSION WITH THE “KILLER MOTHER” ALTER AND SPLITTING OFF THE “BAD SELF” ALTER
The child from the first months of life is able to form dissociated alters. An example of just how early this splitting can take place can be found in the case of a fifteen-month-old baby girl, Sarah, whose babysitter took a series of pornographic photos of her. The photos were discovered, and showed her “naked and being touched by an erect, adult penis.” Three years later, Sarah draws pictures for her therapist of naked babies and says, “She’s my doll. She’s laying on the bed naked. I cover her up. I’m yelling at the doll. She was bad! I yell at my doll…’You! You bad thing!’”67 Even as a little child, Sarah blamed herself for her sexual abuse, then internalized and reenacted the abuse while feeling fused with the abuser.
Alters are the time bombs embedded in the right brain during childhood that are the sources of all later violence. Because they are dissociated modules, the adult can seem to be any personality mode, even passive or withdrawn, but when they act out the earlier hurts and fears and rages against a Bad Self victim they can become a murderer or terrorist or soldier massacring thousands without guilt. It is the dissociated aspect of social violence and war that allows so many psychologists to conclude that men like Goering or Auschwitz guards or bin Laden are “perfectly normal,” since their left-brain personalities are well organized, not “psychotic,” while their right-brain dissociated alter modules periodically take over and commit their violence.68
Violent alters are introjects present in most people throughout history as a result of their extremely abusive and neglectful childrearing, even though the concept has only recently begun to be investigated in connection with the inner voices of multiple personalities and schizophrenics. Because these alters are so well denied and defended against, we don’t recognize them as the voices of past abuses, accusations and humiliations that they really are. When psychoanalysts know about dissociated alters, they can often observe them as they are being formed in families. Richard Kluft, for instance, describes how he “observed mother and son together. Whenever mother switched into an angry alter the son switched into the ‘scared’ alter. The boy’s [conscious] personality denied being abused and could not believe his mother would beat him…suppressing his angry alter for fear of enduring even greater abuse.”69
Surveys of healthy people reveal 39 percent admit they hear ‘inner voices” regularly in their minds.70 One psychotherapist, Robert W. Firestone, practices what he terms “voice therapy” by getting them to access their “parental or child voices” and seeing how they affect their daily self-accusations. Firestone discovered that all his patients—and even his neighbors and fellow therapists in discussion groups—contain these voices. One way he recovers the angry voices is to ask the person to recall when during the previous week they became angry at themselves and what triggered the self-attack. They report feelings like “I’m such a failure,” or “I’m so incompetent at work” or “I’m so inconsiderate of my wife.” He then asks them to rephrase these self-accusations in the first person, such as “You’ll always be a failure!” or “You’re such a selfish person” or “You’re always so inconsiderate!” or even “Why don’t you just die!”—often in the voice of their mothers. They then realize where their fears and lack of attachments originate, and answer the voice, challenging its accusations.71 He finds his therapy works both with violent and self-destructive persons in limiting their acting out and with self-limiting people who “act as their own jailers…people at the mercy of the defense system that they originally constructed to protect themselves when they were little.”72 Only by breaking “the Fantasy Bond that originates as an illusion of fusion with the idealized mother” are patients able to be independent and innovative and empathic toward others.73
The alter created in fusion with the Killer Mother is not just simple “identification” or “internalization” as Freudian psychoanalytic theory imagines. It is a powerful defense against death fears—an act of desperation not love. It involves both the extreme idealization which is evident in nations or religious groups with a need to act out the original death fears by dying as a martyr for your grandiose Motherland or for your almighty God or Goddess. All violent groups are formed by the fusion of the Heroic Self alter with the Killer Mother alter, just as all suicidal behavior has been found to contain a “oneness fantasy” where “the individual believes that part of the self will survive [death] in a fusional relationship with an idealized mother.”74 The power of this fusion fantasy can be seen in a simple experiment that has been repeated over and over again by Silverman and his group. They showed subliminal messages to hundreds of people, and found that only one—”MOMMY AND I ARE ONE”—had an enormous emotional effect, reducing their anxieties and pathologies and their smoking and drinking addictions measurably.75 “Daddy and I are one” had no effect. The power of this fantasy from earliest childhood on can be seen from the fact that the majority of three-year-old boys said when they grew up they wanted to be mothers.76 It is a fear of revealing this basic need to be fused with the mother that is responsible for boys playing separately from girls from the age of four and for their fears that they might “change into a girl” and so must dominate girls (and women and enemy nations) to avoid becoming a “sissy,” a “wimp.”77 Yet the fusion with the Killer Mother fantasy continues, since, as Masterson puts it: “The patient’s feelings of infantile deprivation are so fundamental, so deep, and the feelings of abandonment so painful that he is willing in therapy, as he was as a child, to sacrifice anything to fulfill the fantasy of reunion.”78
Furthermore, as the Masterson group is nearly alone in emphasizing, it is during actual “experiences of psychosocial growth, including moves toward separation-individuation” that the fear of being abandoned by the mother are most powerfully re-experienced, producing a renewed “wish for reunion that relieves the feelings of abandonment.”79 It is, observes Masterson, when patients make good progress in therapy and in their lives that they suddenly find themselves “engulfed in a feeling of freedom” and then panic. Patients say: “Going beyond what my mother wanted me to be makes me feel like I’m falling apart, disintegrating, and sets off a minefield of attack, destruction, and killing.”80 They are experiencing what I have termed “growth panic”—fears of success and independence and new freedoms and challenges. Growth panic is experienced periodically in historical periods of progress and new political freedoms, leading to renewed needs for fusion with their Killer Motherland and a creation of Bad Self enemies, and finally then wars against any out-group that is willing to fight and die for their Killer Motherland.81 As we will see in the next chapter, it is growth panic that accounts for why nations go to war far more often after periods of success and social change than after periods of economic distress, as is often claimed.
That enemies—either personal or group—are Bad Self alters rather than just objects to hate to express an inherited “aggressive instinct” is not recognized by most students of violence. But none of the characteristics of a relationship with an enemy conform to the instinct notion. Enemies, like your Bad Self, are usually vulnerable. Neither bullies in a playground, who pick on the most helpless kids, nor war-prone leaders choose strong enemies to fight. They even speak of enemies with infantile images like “They’re stinky” or “They’re about to devour us” or they speak like their punitive mothers and, like George W. Bush, say “They only respect force” when starting wars. The Nazis first killed helpless German children in gas chambers, not Jews; over 70,000 “undesirable children who were late in being toilet trained or had used dirty words were deemed “undesirable bad babies” and gassed in 1939, before the Holocaust.82Enemies everywhere are tortured while naked, as if they were babies, from the naked torture rituals of antiquity to those of Abu Ghraib. For that matter, Greek soldiers in antiquity often fought while nearly naked as a baby, except for their shields—which had Athena embedded on it—as if they could only sacrifice themselves for their Killer Motherland while dressed as babies. Other examples of war enemies as babies are legion: the Turks for instance used to infantilize the Armenians by making them strip naked like helpless infants and march until they died. Furthermore, little boys recognize early on their need to be martyrs for their Killer Motherland. The majority of boys questioned in one study admitted openly that they were willing to die for America.83 Not die for any worthwhile American war goal—the study was done in 1974 when the Vietnam War was thoroughly unpopular. Just willing to die for America, their Motherland, to become martyrs, like Christ dying for his God. They need to die to renew the Killer Motherland: “The souls of nations are drinking renewal from the blood of fallen soldiers. [The soldier ] dies peacefully. He who has a Motherland dies in comfort…in her, like a baby falling asleep.”84
Fig. 3-4 Areas of the Brain
generalize it to other possible threats, and carry it into the future.”87 “Human subjects whose brains were electrically stimulated in the region of the amygdala reported a sense of being reprimanded by an authority.”88 Only major dangers imprint themselves in dissociated form in the amygdala.89 Amygdalae of insecurely attached children are hyperactive and larger than those of securely attached children, plus their prefrontal cortices are smaller, and so they are less able to control their fears, angers and other irrational emotional reactions in response to later interpersonal difficulties.90 As LeDoux puts it, “They are probably with us for life.”91
This early imprinting of dissociated alters in the right amygdala of humans is the main source of violence in later life. Brain scans reveal that “an enduring pattern, associated with destructive, defensive rage, is imprinted into an immature, inefficient orbitofrontal [cortical] system [and amygdala] during relational trauma in early childhood.”92 “The child uses the output of the mother’s emotion-regulating right cortex as a template for the imprinting of circuits in his own right cortex.” Later, “when adult human subjects are shown fearful or angry faces, it immediately depresses their right cortexes”93 and activates their right amygdalae—as when they are racially biased white subjects who are shown faces of African Americans.94 The right amygdala has been measured to be larger and more excitable in psychotics, depressives, anxiety disorders and murderers 95—plus, presumably, if they ever would allow us to measure them, in terrorists and war lovers. In addition, all these violence-prone products of early relational trauma suffer from elevated norepinephrine (acting-out neurotransmitter) levels and depressed serotonin (calming hormone) levels.96
The defense of dissociation begins in insecure infants who “conceive of the parent’s mind as simply too terrifying” to relate to, “creating a defensive disruption of their capacity to depict thoughts and feelings in themselves and others.”105 It is effective in handling overwhelming fears: “Dissociation is a method of coping with inescapable stress [allowing] infants to enter into trance states and to ignore current sensory input.”106 Children then only recapture the traumatic images in nightmares (when the amygdala “lights up like a pinball machine”) and fears of ghosts and monsters that escape the imprinted violent parent alter. One describes his monster dreams that imprinted his fears of his punitive father that were imprinted in his brain:
Traumatized children often108 access their terrifying alters by “depersonalizing, going numb, day dreaming, and staring off into space with a glazed look.” Because alters are not modified by later experience, “it is not unusual for a childhood dream symbol to continue intermittently for years or even decades.”109 They often appear as imaginary companions during self-induced “hypnoid” trance states, even as fully conscious alternate personalities.110 I myself as a child used to split off from myself and float to the ceiling when my father beat me with his razor strap. I was so certain I could really fly I told a friend to watch me jump from a second story window and fly down (I of course broke my ankle doing so.) The majority of children even today have invisible companions or selves that are actually alters.111
Alters are “activated by strong emotional experiences, whether intensely pleasurable or intensely painful.”112 Dreams and hypnotic states are “increased facilities in enhancing amygdaloid-hippocampal activity, resulting in increased theta wave production.”113 All adults increase their daydreams, reveries and fantasies in cycles of about 90 minutes during the day, as shown by increased EEG alpha wave activity, during which hypnotists find they can more easily reach dissociated alter material.114 In fact, hypnosis has been described as “controlled dissociation [and] dissociation as a form of self-hypnosis.”115 Children who have been abused are more easily hypnotizable by charismatic political leaders.116 The child’s behavior when re-experiencing the abuse of their punitive alters always contains a self-destructive aspect, even suicidal attempts, which often get acted out later on, since “adolescents themselves preferred death to exposing their abusive parents.”117 Violent criminals, according to Richard Rhodes, “consult ‘phantom communities’ [alters] in their heads who approve of their violent acts as revenges for past humiliations.”118 According to James Gilligan, a prison psychiatrist who has spent his life talking to violent criminals in prisons, reveals that they all were horribly abused as children:
Although violent assault rates in the U.S. today are under one percent of the population per year (with over 30 percent of the population of the U.S. being arrested at least once in their lives),120 the rates of murder earlier in history were far higher,121 especially if infanticide rates of up to 50 percent of newborn are considered murder, as they should be. Gilligan calls all interpersonal violence “an attempt to achieve justice” for the childhood harm done to them.122 Our justice system makes violent people more violent, since, as Gilligan has shown: “Punishment does not prevent violence, it causes it.”123 Murderers are full of shame, live in a constant state of hypervigilance and feel no empathy or attachments for anyone in their threatening world, all the result of the alters that remain embedded since their childhoods. Most when questioned say, like Kip Kinkel, who fired at his schoolmates and teachers: “Voices directed me to kill.”124 Bessel van der Kolk, the most famous expert on dissociated alters, concludes: “People with childhood histories of trauma, abuse and neglect make up almost the entire criminal justice population in the U.S. [with abusive childhoods causing] dissociative states.”125 And Robert Firestone reports all his suicidal patients hear parental voices telling them they should kill themselves.126
Most people, of course, consciously consult their punitive alters through prayer, with 90 percent of Americans saying they pray to their hyper-grandiose, demanding, punitive deity on a daily basis.127 Jeanette Good’s careful study of religious belief shows the amount of religious experience in life is correlated with the degree of corporal punishment and shame inflicted by caretakers in the believer’s childhood.128 Praying and other religious activities—like all alter experiences—aims at fusion with the idealized Killer Mother alter, the god who has abandoned one for one’s sinfulness, because you as a child were “bad.” And, of course, religions, like all in-groups, commit violence by projecting this Bad Self alter onto other believers and persecuting them.
Bourguignon reported in her cross-cultural survey of 488 societies, that “ninety percent have one or more institutionalized, culturally patterned forms of altered states of consciousness,” what Crapanzano terms “possession trances.”135 Possession by alters is reported as beginning in childhood throughout history. In the Acts of Thomas, God himself advised Christians “to avoid having children [since] the majority of children [are] possessed by demons.”136 When fully into their possession alter, Christians often “speak in tongues,” repeating the meaningless sounds of early childhood, while trembling with fear.137 As we will examine more thoroughly in coming chapters, even Greek and Roman thinkers reported possession by alters felt as body parts that they talk to and are moved by “little men” voices like the thumos and kradie and psyche.138 Even more familiar are the states of possession of oracles, witches, shamans and others in people thought to be invaded by demons or spirits and who had to be exorcised or killed in order to be released from their possession state.139 Witches in particular were acknowledged as Killer Mothers: “Over and over again in the trial records, the accused women are addressed as ‘Mother’ …The witch is a monstrous mother.”140
The same process of switching into violent alters is necessary in order for tribes and states to begin wars. In the following chapters we will show that there are seven separate stages to complete this alter switch into a full fighting war trance. That the people who are most prone to the war trance are reactionaries who have had the worst, most authoritarian, most abusive childrearing is a truth that has many studies to back it up. These begin with a whole series of “authoritarianism” studies, beginning with The Authoritarian Personality by Theodore Adorno and others, which established a “Fascism Scale” that measured those who were uncritical toward authorities of the in-group, who believed in punishing those who violated conventional values, who were preoccupied with dominance-submission relationships and identified with “tough” power figures, and who had generalized hostility and destructiveness toward those who didn’t agree with them.141 All these traits have been shown to be results of resentment about the parents’ lack of love, displaced to fear and hatred of the out-group. Studies then followed by Etheredge, Tomkins, Alice Miller and myself that traced this authoritarian personality to what Miller termed “poisonous pedagogy” that acted out the kinds of harsh childrearing discipline that have been the cause of reactionary political behavior. Michael Milburn summarizes his extension of these findings in his asking undergraduates at the University of Massachusetts the following question:
Other authoritarianism studies found that reactionaries “venerated” their domineering parents and had a contempt for the weakness of others, that reactionaries fear death more than progressives, that mother-dominant families were more antisemitic than father-dominant, that parents whose children were “more basically secure” and who were raised with more empathy held more progressive political attitudes. Reactionaries have been shown to have greater death anxieties, entertain more apocalyptic fantasies, see children as sinful and needing punishment, fear femininity more, and are quick to feel humiliation and take vengeance, all results of having powerful dissociated alters.143 As will be detailed in the next chapter, modern nations switch into their alters about every 25 years in a self-destructive sacrificial ritual in which they act out in the slaughters of war the nightmares that were embedded like time bombs in their brains during their abusive childhoods.
1 See Lloyd deMause, Ed., The History of Childhood. New York, Psychohistory Press, 1974 and Lloyd deMause, The Emotional Life of Nations. New York: Karnac, 2002. Further extensive bibliography is on www.psychohistory.com.
2 Lloyd deMause, “The Evolution of Childhood.” In Lloyd deMause, Editor, The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press, 1974, p. 1.
3 Lloyd deMause, The Emotional Life of Nations. New York: Karnac, 2002, pp. 220-221.
4 Katherine Ellison, The Mommy Brain: How Motherhood Makes Us Smarter. New York: Basic Books, 2006, p. 21.
5 Lloyd deMause, “‘If I Blow Myself Up and Become a Martyr, I’ll Finally Be Loved’” The Journal of Psychohistory 33(2006): 300.
6 Brenda Geiger, Fathers As Primary Caregivers. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1996.
7 Thomas R. Insel, “A Neurobiological Basis of Social Attachment.” American Journal of Psychiatry 154(1997): 733; Robin Karr-Morse and Meredith S. Wiley, Ghosts From the Nursery: Tracing the Roots of Violence. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1997, p. 188.
8 Ofra Lubetzky, “Integrating Mind and Body: Mother-fetus-infant Relationships and the Maturation of the Right Hemisphere.” International Journal Prenatal and Perinatal Psychology and Medicine. 17(2005): 55.
9 Ibid., p. 49.
10 Chugani, H. et al, “Local brain functional activity following early deprivation: a study of post-institutionalized Romanian orphans.” Neuroimage 14(2001):1290-1301.
11 Jan Volavka, Neurobiology of Violence. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, 1995, p. 28.
12 Mark Zoccolillo et al, “The Intergenerational Transmission of Aggression and Antisocial Behavior”in Richard E. Tremblay et al, Eds. Developmental Origins of Aggression. New York: The Guilford Press, 2005, p. 358.
13 Ofra Lubetzky, “Integrating Mind and Body,” pp. 50-55.
14 Ellen Moss et al, “Attachment at Early School Age and Developmental Risk: Examining Family Contexts and Behavior Problems of Controlling-Caregiving, Controll-Punitive, and Behaviorally Disorganized Children.” Developmental Psychology 40(2004): 519-529; Peter Fonagy, Attachment Theory and Psychoanalysis. New York: Other Press, 2001; Bruce D. Perry, “Bonding and Attachment in Maltreated Children: Consequences of Emotional Neglect in Childhood” www.childtrauma.org.
15 Jan Volavka, Neurobiology of Violence, p. 61; Robin Karr-Morse and Meredith S. Wiley, Ghosts From the Nursery, p. 230.
16 Ellen Moss et al, “Attachment at Early School Age and Developmental Risk,” p. 520.
17 Brian Corby, Child Abuse: Towards a Knowledge Base. Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000, p. 98.
18 Lloyd deMause, “What the British Can Do To End Child Abuse,” The Journal of Psychohistory 34(2006): 5.
19 Lloyd deMause, “‘If I Blow Myself Up and Become a Martyr, I’ll Finally Be Loved.’” The Journal of Psychohistory 33(2006):302.
20 Nawal El Saadawi, Te Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World. Boston: Beacon Press, 1980, p. 34.
21 Time, January 17, 2005, p. A6.
22 Natasha S. Mauthner, The Darkest Days Of My Life: Stories of Postpartum Depression. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002, pp. 3-4; Katharina Dlton, Depression After Childbirth: How to Recognize, Treat, and Prevent Postnatal Depression. Third Ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, p. 2; Paula Nicolson, Post-Natal Depression: Psychology, Science and the Transition to Motherhood. London: Routledge, 1998, p. 55.
23 Ibid, p. 176.
24 Sue Gerhardt, Why Love Matters: How Affection Shapes a Baby’s Brain. Hove: Brunner-Routledge, 2004, p. 124.
25 Deborah Sichel and Jeanne Watson Driscoll, Women’s Moods: What Every Woman Must Know About Hormnes, The Brain, and Emotional Health. New York: William Morrow and Co., 1999, p. 222.
26 Dale F. Hay et al, “Pathways to Violence in the Children of Mothers Who Were Depressed Postpartum.” Developmental Psychology 39(2003):1091.
27 Anna Motz, The Psychology of Female Violence: Crimes Against the Body. New York: Brunner/Routledge, 2001, p. 92.
28 I. F. Brockington, Motherhood and Mental Health. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, p. 151.
29 Robin Karr-Morse and Meredith S. Wiley, Ghosts From the Nursery, p. 215.
30 Dante Cicchetti and Sheree L. Toth, “Child Maltreatment and Attachment Organization.” In Susan Goldberg et al, Eds., Attachment Theory: Social, Developmental and Clinical Perspectives. Hillsdale, New Jersey: Analytic Press, 1955, p. 282.
31 Louis Fraiberg, Ed., Selected Writings of Selma Fraiberg. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1987, p. 133.
32 Rozsika Parker, Mother Love/Mother Hate: The Power of Maternal Ambivalence. New York: BasicBooks, 1995, p. 20.
33 Joseph C. Rheingold, The Fear of Being a Woman, p. 143.
34 Rozsika Parker, Mother Love/Mother Hate, p. 5.
35 Judith Solomon and Carol George, “The Place of Disorganization in Attachment Theory.” In Judith Solomon and Carol George, Attachment Disorganization. New York: Guilford Press, 1999, pp. 6-9; Ellen Moss et al, “Attachment at Early School Age and Developmental Risk.” Developmental Psychology 40(2004): 519-532.
36 Lloyd deMause, “What the British Can Do to End Child Abuse,” p. 6.
37 Joseph C. Rheingold, The Mother, Anxiety, and Death: The Catastrophic Death Complex. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967, p. 14.
38 Ibid., p. 15.
39 Ibid., p. 139; Joseph C. Rheingold, The Fear of Being a Woman: A Theory of Maternal Destructiveness. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1964, p. 136.
40 Joseph C. Rheingold, The Mother, Anxiety, and Death, p. 137.
41 Ibid., p. 110.
42 Ibid., pp. 139, 137, 140.
43 Dorothy Bloch, “So the Witch Won’t Eat Me”: Fantasy and the Child’s Fear of Infanticide. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1978, p. 1.
44 Ibid., pp. 2, 12.
45 Ibid., p. 45.
46 Ibid., p. 3.
47 Lynne Murray and Peter J. Cooper, Postpartum Depression and Child Development. New York: Guilford Press, 1997, p. 68.
48 Dorothy Bloch, “So the Witch Won’t Eat Me!”, p. 11.
50 Tom Pyszczynski, et al, In the Wake of 9/11: The Psychology of Terror. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 2002, p. 84.
51 Sylvia Anthony, The Child’s Discovery of Death: A Study in Child Psychology. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1940, p. 65; Max M. Stern, “Death and the Child.” In John E. Schowalter, et al, Eds., The Child and Death. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983, p. 21.
52 Marisa Dillon Weston, “Anorexia as a Symbol of an Empty Matrix Dominated by the Dragon Mother.” Group Analysis 32(1999): 71-85.
53 Rush W. Dozier, Jr., Fear Itself: The Origin and Nature of the Powerful Emotion That Shapes Our Lives and Our World. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998, p. 125.
54 James B. McCarthy, Death Anxiety: The Loss of the Self. New York: Gardner Press, 1980, p. 46.
55 Brett Kahr, “Ancient Infanticide and Modern Schizophrenia: The Clinical Uses of Psychohistorical Research.” The Journal of Psychohistory 20(1993): 269.
56 Christine Ann Lawson, Understanding the Borderline Mother: Helping Her Children Transcend the Intense, Unpredictable, and Volatile Relationship. Northvale, New Jersey: Jason Aronson, 2000, p. 170.
57 Stephen M. Joseph, Mommy! Daddy! I’m Afraid!: Help Your Children Overcome Fears That Hold Them Back in School and at Play. New York: Collier Books, 1974, p. xi.
58 Ibid., p. xiv.
59 Ibid., p. 9.
60 Ibid., p. 20.
61 Ibid., p. 129.
62 Ibid., p. 45.
63 Ibid., p. 127.
64 Doris Bryant et al, The Family Inside: Working with the Multiple. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1992; Lisa Goodman, et al, “Persecutory Alters and Ego States: Protectors, Friends, and Allies.” Dissociation 8(1995): 91-99. The amygdalan fear network includes extensions to the hippocampus and cortex; see Steven Johnson, Mind Wide Open: Your Brain and the Neuroscience of Everyday Life. New York: Scribner, 2004, p. 61.
65 Lloyd deMause, The Emotional Life of Nations, p. 93.
66 Arnold P. Goldstein, Delinquent Gangs: A Psychological Perspective. Champaign, Ill.: Research Press, 1991, p. 54.
67 Lenore Terr, Too Scared To Cry: Psychic Trauma in Childhood. New York: Harper & Row, 1990, p. 30.
68 Neil J. Kressel, Mass Hate: The Global Rise of Genocide ad Terror. Westview, Perseus Books, 2003, pp. 137, 138.
69 Richard P. Kluft, “Childhood Multiple Personality Disorder:” In Richard P. Kluft, Ed., Childhood Antecedents of Multiple Personality. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1985, pp. 182, 175.
70 Daniel B. Smith, Muses, Madmen and Prophets: Rethinking the History, Science and Meaning of Auditory Hallucinations. New York: Penguin Press, 2007.
71 Robert W. Firestone, Voice Therapy: A Psychotherapeutic Approach to Self-Destructive Behavior. New York: Human Sciences Press, 1948, p. 34; Robert W. Firestone, The Fantasy Bond: Effects of Psychological Defenses on Interpersonal Relations. New York: Human Sciences Press, 1987, p. 304.
72 Ibid, p. 28.
73 Ibid, p. 21. For other therapists who recover fused alters see Arthur Janov, Primal Healing: Access the Incredible Power of Feelings to Improve Your Health. Franklin Lakes, New Jersey: New Page Books, 2006; Fredric Schiffer, Of Two Minds: The Revolutionary Science of Dual-Brain Psychology. New York: The Free Press, 1998; and Daniel B. Smith, “Can You Live With the Voices in Your Head?” The New York Times Magazine, March 25, 2007, pp. 49-53.
74 Rosine J. Perelberg, Ed., Psychoanalytic Understanding of Violence and Suicide. London: Routledge, 1999, p. 148.
75 Lloyd H. Silverman, et al, The Search for Oneness. New York: International Universities Press, 1982.
76 Stephen J. Ducat, The Wimp Factor: Gender Gaps, Holy Wars, and the Politics of Anxious Masculinity. New York: Beacon Press, 2005, p. 32.
77 Barrie Thorne, Gender Play: Girls and Boys in School. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1994, pp. 74, 88, 116; Stephen J. Ducat, The Wimp Factor.
78 James F. Masterson, Psychotherapy of the Borderline Adult: A Developmental Approach. New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1976, p. 109.
79 Ibid., pp. 62-63.
80 Lloyd deMause, The Emotional Life of Nations, p. 174.
81 Ibid., p. 94-96.
82 Ibid., p. 217.
83 Howard Tolley, Jr., Children and War: Political Socialization to International Conflict. New York: Teachers College Press, 1973, p. 34.
84 Lloyd deMause, The Emotional Life of Nations, p. 180.
85 Allan N. Schore, Affect Dysregulation & Disorders of the Self. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2003; Joseph LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996.
86 Allan N. Schore, Affect Dysregulation & Disorders of the Self, p. 285.
87 Louis Cozolino, The Neuroscience of Human Relationships: Attachment and the Developing Social Brain. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2006, p. 319.
88 Ibid., p. 251.
89 Joseph LeDoux, Synaptic Self: How Our Brains Become Who We Are. New York: Viking, 2002, p. 61.
90 Joseph LeDoux, The Emotional Brain, p. 250.
91 Ibid., p. 252.
92 Allan N. Schore, Affect Dysregulation & Disorders of the Self, p. 294.
93 Ibid., p. 9.
94 Joseph LeDoux, Synaptic Self, p. 221.
95 Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, “The Amygdala in Brain Function: Basic and Clinical Approaches.” Vol. 985, 2003, p. 370-380; Allan N. Schore, Affect Dysregulation & Disorders of the Self, pp. 211, 299; Allan N. Schore, Affect Dysregulation & Disorders of the Self, p. 202.
96 Debra Niehoff, The Biology of Violence. New York: The Free Press, 1999, pp. 121-127.
97 “Humanity? Maybe It’s in the Wiring.” The New York Times, December 9, 2003, p. F1; Antonio Damasio, Looking for Spinoza: Joy, Sorrow, and the Feeling Brain. New York: Harcourt, 2003, p. 117; Marco Iacoboni, “Understanding Others: Imitation, Language, Empathy.” In Susan Hurley and Nick Chater, Eds., Perspectives on Imitation: From Mirror Neurons to Memes. Vol. I. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2005.
98 Arno Gruen, The Insanity of Normality: Realism as Sickness: Toward Understanding Human Destructiveness. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1987, p. 58.
99 Bruce D. Perry, “Applying Principles of Neurodevelopment to Clinical Work with Maltreated and Traumatized Children.” In Nancy Boyd Webb, Ed., Traumatized Youth in Child Welfare. New York: Guilford Press, 2006, p. 93; John Read, Bruce Perry et al, “The Contribution of Early Traumatic Events to Schizophrenia…” Psychiatry 64(2001): 319-344.
100 Martin H. Teicher, “Scars That Won’t Heal: The Neurobiology of Child Abuse.” Scientific American, March 2002, pp. 68-75.
101 “Posing the Right Question: The Neurology of Morality Is Being Explored.” The Economist, March 24, 2007, p. 92.
102 Melvin Konner, “Human Nature, Ethnic Violence, and War.” In Mari Fitzduff and Chris E. Stout, Eds., The Psychology of Resolving Global Conflicts: From War to Peace. Vol. I. Westport, Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2006, pp. 12, 13.
103 Debra Niehoff, The Biology of Violence. New York: The Free Press, 1999, p. 199.
104 Lloyd deMause, The Emotional Life of Nations, p. 330.
105 Nicholas Midgley, “Child Dissociation and its ‘Roots’ in Adulthood.” In Valerie Sinason, Ed., Attachment, Trauma and Multiplicity: Working with Dissociative Identity Disorder. New ork: Brunner-Routledge, 2004, p. 42.
106 Bessel A. van der Kolk, Rita E. Fisler, “Childhood Abuse & Neglect and Loss of Self-Regulation.” Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 58(1994): 234.
107 Alan Siegel and Kelly Bulkeley, Dreamcatching: Every Parent’s ˝uid to Exploring and Understanding Children’s Dreams and Nightmares. New York: Three Rivers Press, 1998, p. 73.
108 Bruce D. Perry, et al, “Childhood Trauma, the Neurobiology of Adaptation and Use-dependent Development of the Brain: How States Become Traits.” Infant Mental Health Journal 16(1995): 271.
109 Alan Siegel and Kelly Bulkeley, Dreamcatching, p. 10.
110 Eugene L. Bliss, Multiple Personality, Allied Disorders, and Hypnosis. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986, p. 126.
111 Ibid., p. 126.
112 Peter Brown, The Hypnotic Brain: Hypnotherapy and Social Communication. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991, p. 118.
114 Ibid., pp. 94, 107.
115 Eric Vermetten at al, Eds. Traumatic Dissociation: Neurobiology and Treatment. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Publishing, 2007, p. xxi.
116 Jerrold Atlas, “Understanding the Correlation Between Childhood Punishment and Adult Hypnotizability as It Impacts on the Command Power of Modern ‘Charismatic’ Political Leaders.” The Journal of Psychohistory 17(1990): 309ff.
117 Dorothy Otnow Lewis, Guilty By Reason of Insanity: A Psychiatrist Explores the Minds of Killers. New York: Ballantine Publishing Group, 1998, p. 39.
118 Lloyd deMause, The Emotional Life of Nations, p. 146.
119 James Gilligan, Violence: Reflections on a National Epidemic. New York: Vintage Books, 1996, pp. 45, 109.
120 Jan Volavka, Neurobiology of Violence. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1995, p. 18, adjusted upward for unreported assaults; Adrian Raine, The Psychopathology of Crime: Criminal Behavior as a Clinical Disorder. San Diego: Academic Press, 1993, p. 5.
121 Eric A. Johnson and Eric H. Mnkkonen, The Civilizaion of Crime: Violence in Town and Country Since the Middle Ages. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996.
122 James Gilligan, Violence: Reflections on a National Epidemic, p. 11.
123 James Gilligan, Preventing Violence. New York: Thams & Hudson, 2001, p. 18.
124 Jonathan H. Pincus, Base Instincts: What Makes Killers Kill? New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2001, p. 9.
125 Bessel A. van der Kolk, “Developmental Trauma Disorder.” Psychiatric Annals 36(2006): 3.
126 Robert W. Firestone, Suicide and the Inner Voice: Risk Assessment, Treatment, and Case Management. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 1997.
127 Bani Shorter, Susceptible to the Sacred: The Psychological Experience of Ritual. London: Routledge, 1996, p. 71; John F. Schumaker, The Corruption of Reality: A Unified Theory of Religion, Hypnosis, and Psychopathology. Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1995, p. 146.
128 Jeanette Anderson Good, Shame, Images of God, and the Cycle of Violence in Adults Who Experienced Childhood Corporal Punishment. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1999, p. 141.
129 Joseph LeDoux, Synaptic Self, pp. 221, 222.
130 Tom Harris, “How Hypnosis Works,” <HowStuffWorks.com>
131 Margaret Brenman and Merton M. Gill, Hypnotherapy: A Survey of the Literature. New York: International Universities Press, 1947, p. 17.
132 Reo F. Fortune, Sorcerers of Dobu. London: Routledge, 1963, p. 150.
133 James McClenon, Wondrous Healing: Shamanism, Human Evolution, and the Origin of Religion. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002, p. 101; Sheila Walker, Ceremonial Spirit Possession in Africa and Afro-America. Leiden: Brill, 1972.
134 Mircea Eliade, Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964. P. 72.
135 Erika Bourguignon, Possession. San Francisco: Chandler & Sharp, 1976; Vincent Crapanzano and Vivian Garrison, Eds. Case Studies in Spirit Possession. New York: John Wiley, 1977, p. 7.
136 Piero Camporesi, The Fear of Hell. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991, p. 344.
137 Felicitas D. Goodman, How About Demons? Possession and Exorcism in the Modern World. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988, p. 3.
138 A. W. H. Adkins, From the Many to the One; A Study of Personality and Views of Human Nature in the Context of Ancient Greek Society, Values and Beliefs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970; E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1951, 11-16.
139 Adam Crabtree, Multiple Man: Explorations in Possession and Multiple Personality. New York: Praeger, 1985, p. 78.
140 Deborah Willis, Malevolent Nurture: Witch-Hunting and Maternal Power in Early Modern England. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995, p. 35.
141 T. W. Adorno et al, The Authoritarian Personality: Part One. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1964, p. 228.
142 Michael A. Milburn and S. D. Conrad, “The Politics of Denial.” The Journal of Psychohistory 23(1996): 244-245.
143 John J. Ray, “Conservatism, Authoritarianism, and Related Variables.” In Glenn D. Wilson, Ed., The Psychology of Conservatism. London: Academic Press, 1973, p. 30; Glenn D. Wilson, “The Factor Structure of the C-Scale.” In The Psychology of Conservatism, p. 193; George Lakoff, Moral Politics: How Liberals and Conservatives Think. 2nd Ed., Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2002, pp. 33 and 341; William F. Stone et al, Eds. Strength and Weakness: The Authoritarian Personality Today. New York: Springer-Verlag, 1993; Chris Hedges, American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America. New York: Free Press, 2006; David Lotto, “Some of My Best Friends Are Republicans: Toward a Psychohistorical Explanation of Political Conservatism.” The Journal of Psychohistory 32(2005): 240; Stephen J. Ducat, The Wimp Factor: Gender Gaps, Holy Wars, and the Politics of Anxious Masculinity. Boston: Beacon Press, 2004, p. 12.